U.S. Supreme Court Holds Debt Purchaser Collecting Its Own Debt Is Not Subject to FDCPA

For a PDF of this decision click download here: Henson v. Santander SCOTUS 2017

The issue before the Court was whether a purchaser of defaulted debt meets the FDCPA’s definition of a “debt collector” as one who “regularly collects or attempts to collect . . . debts owed or due . . . another.” 15 U. S. C. §1692a(6).

In this case, Santander Consumer USA Inc. acquired defaulted loans from CitiFinancial Auto and then began to collect on those loans. The petitioners argued this activity made Santander a debt collector subject to the FDCPA.  The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals disagreed because the debt purchaser was not seeking to collect a debt “owed . . . another.” The Supreme Court affirmed in a unanimous decision.

This was a huge win for the credit collection industry who can now claim they purchased the debt in order to circumvent being called a third party debt collector and to defeat FDCPA protections.

The  Supreme Court’s decision today may noticeably reduce consumer litigation against businesses operating in the consumer finance and debt collection industry and it may impact debt collection regulation and enforcement at the state level.

The primary issue in Henson was whether a company that regularly attempts to collect debts it purchased after the debts had fallen into default is a debt collector covered by the FDCPA.  The high court said “no,” concluding that a company may collect debts that it purchased for its own account without triggering the FDCPA.

The Henson consumers filed a class action against Santander, alleging that it violated the FDCPA by engaging in abusive, harassing and deceptive attempts to collect the defaulted debts.  The consumers alleged that Santander was a consumer finance company that acquired defaulted debt for a “few cents on the dollar” and, therefore, was a “debt collector” under the FDCPA.  Santander moved to dismiss the consumers’ complaint on the basis that Santander did not meet the definition of “debt collector” under the FDCPA.  On appeal, the Fourth Circuit held that the consumers had not alleged that Santander was acting as a debt collector under the FDCPA.  Because the consumers alleged that Santander purchased and, thus, owned the debt, Santander was not collecting on behalf of another, and the FDCPA does not apply to creditors who collect debts on their own accounts.

This decision may not have many teeth though if consumers and their attorneys demand actual proof that the creditor purchased the debt and has the records to prove it.  In most of these cases the original creditor failed to keep records, quickly securitized the debt and failed to retain the contract with a wet-ink signature as required by law.

The opinion did not consider whether a purchaser of defaulted debt is engaged “in any business the principal purpose of which is the collection of any debts.” §1692a(6).

A copy of the decision in Henson v. Santander Consumer USA Inc. is available here.

CitiFinancial, CitiMortgage To Pay $28.8M Over Mortgage Servicing Issues

Millions of consumers lost their homes when the housing market bubble burst. But federal regulators say some of those people may have been able to stay in their homes had mortgage lenders fulfilled their requirements. To that end, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau has ordered two Citigroup subsidiaries to pay $28.8 million to resolve allegations that some of its mortgage units harmed home borrowers. 

The CFPB announced Monday that CitiMortgage [PDF] and CitiFinancial Services [PDF] will pay fines and restitution to thousands of customers who were allegedly not made aware of their options to avoid foreclosure.

In all, CitiMortgage must pay $17 million to consumers and pay a civil penalty of $3 million, while CitiFinancial Services must refund approximately $4.4 million to consumers and pay a civil penalty of $4.4 million.

According to the CFPB complaint, the subsidiaries gave customers struggling to make mortgage payments the runaround when it came to trying to save their homes.

For example, CitiFinancial Servicing — which collects payments from borrowers for loans it originates and handles customer service, collections, loan modifications, and foreclosures — failed to consider a borrower’s application for deferred payment as a request for foreclosure relief options, the CFPB alleges.

Requests for foreclosure relief trigger protections required by CFPB mortgage servicing rules, that include helping borrowers complete their applications and considering them for all available foreclosure relief alternatives.

In the case that CitiFinancial did allow customers to defer payments, the CFPB claims, the subsidiary did not provide borrowers with information on how that would affect their future payment. Specifically, the company did not notify borrowers that the deferred amounts would become due when the deferment ended.

Additionally, the CFPB alleges that CitiFinancial charges customers for credit insurance — which cover a home loan if the borrower couldn’t make a payment — despite the fact that the insurance should have been canceled.

From July 2011 to April 30, 2015, the CFPB claims that 7,800 borrowers paid for credit insurance that CitiFinancial Servicing should have canceled based on the terms that insurance would not be applicable if the borrower had missed four or more monthly payments.

As for CitiMortgage, the CFPB complaint alleges that the subsidiary failed to help consumers looking for assistance in making their mortgage payments.

Instead, the Bureau alleges that when customers asked for help, CitiMortgage requested borrowers provide dozens of documents and forms that had no bearing on the application for foreclosure relief or that the consumer had already provided.

In 2014 alone, the CFPB claims that CitiMortgage sent 41,000 borrowers letters requesting unneeded documents with descriptions such as “teacher contract,” and “Social Security award letter.”

In addition to paying fines and refunds, CitiFinancial and CitiMortgage must clearly provide customers with information on what documents are needed for foreclosure relief, and provide terms for deferments upfront.

Citi Plan to Force foreclosures Exposed and Fined $29 Million

This is one instance in which the industry practice of tricking borrowers into foreclosure becomes crystal clear. The case is also instructive on the terms of so-called “modifications.” The goal in all instances is to use every means at their disposal to trick the borrower into waiving rights and falling into the abyss of foreclosure without any appropriate disclosures.

these self-proclaimed “servicers” are not acting on behalf of any real creditor whose money was converted to a fraudulent scheme; instead they are creating a void by not revealing the creditor and then stepping into that void declaring themselves to be creditors or to be entitled to being treated like creditors.

Get a consult! 202-838-6345

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THIS ARTICLE IS NOT A LEGAL OPINION UPON WHICH YOU CAN RELY IN ANY INDIVIDUAL CASE. HIRE A LAWYER.
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See 201701_cfpb_citifinancial-consent-order

See http://www.housingwire.com/articles/39012-cfpb-fines-citifinancial-servicing-and-citimortgage-29-million

“We are not in the modification business. we are in the foreclosure business.” So said the manager of the “loss mitigation” department of Bank of America in Massachusetts a few years back, already reported on this blog.

So it should come as no surprise that Citi granted “deferments” that accrued until the deferment period was over rather than tacking it on to the end of an obligation (that they had interest in anyway).

Citi SAID they would extend the “payback” period (term of the loan) but they didn’t, leaving the people who received deferments in the untenable position of suddenly coming up with a whopping sum of money that they thought was due at the end of their loan — not at the end of the deferment period. So the whole reason for offering the deferments was  (1) to get the “borrowers” to waive their rights and (2) to be assured that the foreclosure would happen without defenses being raised.

As always we are talking about the new normal — where super banks don’t look for workouts that will improve their chances of getting paid on a loan. Instead they are looking for way to diminish the payback, depress market values and score big on foreclosures that put a presumptive cap on their illicit activities preceding the foreclosures.

The banks made their money long before the foreclosure and don’t care what actually happens to the property — except that they welcome the false “recovery” of “servicer advances” in which they paid investors from a dynamic dark pool consisting entirely of investor money.

In other words these self-proclaimed “servicers” are not acting on behalf of any real creditor whose money was converted to a fraudulent scheme; instead they are creating a void by not revealing the creditor and then stepping into that void declaring themselves to be creditors or to be entitled to being treated like creditors.

  1. For borrowers who received a Special Deferment (and therefore did not prepay any interest), the interest accruing during the Deferment period became due immediately upon a borrower’s next scheduled payment, rather than at the end of the borrower’s loan term.
  2. Respondent sent borrowers who applied for Deferments in certain states an authorization form informing them that “the repayment term of the loan will be extended.” Respondent sent all borrowers who it approved for a Deferment a confirmation letter with similar disclosures.

2017-CFPB-0004 Document 1 Filed 01/23/2017 Page 8 of 31

  1. In its communications to borrowers, Respondent disclosed that “interest will continue to accrue” during the Deferment period, but Respondent did not disclose the amount of interest that would accrue during the Deferment period, when that interest would be due, or how a borrower’s next payment would be applied in relation to that accrued interest. Respondent also failed to disclose that a Special Deferment would significantly reduce the amount of principal reduction borrowers would achieve once they resumed making loan payments, resulting in borrowers paying more interest over the life of the loan. [e.s.]

The Reporter Who Saw it Coming

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Editor’s Comment:

By Dean Starkman

Mike Hudson thought he was merely exposing injustice, but he also was unearthing the roots of a global financial meltdown.

Mike Hudson began reporting on the subprime mortgage business in the early 1990s when it was still a marginal, if ethically challenged, business. His work on the “poverty industry” (pawnshops, rent-to-own operators, check-cashing operations) led him to what were then known as “second-lien” mortgages. From his street-level perspective, he could see the abuses and asymmetries of the market in a way that the conventional business press could not. But because it ran mostly in small publications, his reporting was largely ignored. Hudson pursued the story nationally, via a muckraking book, Merchants of Misery (Common Courage Press, 1996); in a 10,000-word expose on Citigroup-as-subprime-factory, which won a Polk award in 2004 for the small alternative magazine Southern Exposure; and in a series on the subprime leader, Ameriquest, co-written as a freelancer, for the Los Angeles Times in 2005. He continued to pursue the subject as it metastasized into the trillion-dollar center of the Financial Crisis of 2008—briefly at The Wall Street Journal and now at the Center for Public Integrity. Hudson, 52, is the son of an ex-Marine and legendary local basketball coach. He started out on rural weeklies, covering championship tomatoes and large fish and such, even produced a cooking column. But as a reporter for The Roanoke Times he turned to muckraking and never looked back. CJR’s Dean Starkman interviewed Hudson in the spring of 2011.

Follow the ex-employees

The great thing about The Roanoke Times was that there was an emphasis on investigation but there was also an emphasis on storytelling and writing. And they would bring in lots of people like Roy Peter Clark and William Zinsser, the On Writing Well guy. The Providence Journal book, the How I Wrote the Story, was a bit of a Bible for me.

As I was doing a series on poverty in Roanoke, one of the local legal aid attorneys was like, “It’s not just the lack of money—it’s also what happens when they try to get out of poverty.” He said basically there are three ways out: they bought a house, so they got some equity; they bought a car so they could get some mobility; or they went back to school to get a better job. And in every case, he had example after example of folks, who because they were doing just that, had actually gotten deeper in poverty, trapped in unbelievable debt.

His clients often dealt with for-profit trade schools, truck driving schools that would close down; medical assistant’s schools that no one hired from; and again and again they’d be three, four, five, eight thousand dollars in debt, and unable to repay it, and then of course prevented from ever again going back to school because they couldn’t get another a student loan. So that got me thinking about what I came to know as the poverty industry.

I applied for an Alicia Patterson Fellowship and proposed doing stories on check-cashing outlets, pawn shops, second-mortgage lenders (they didn’t call themselves subprime in those days). This was ’91. We didn’t have access to the Internet, but I came across a wire story about something called the Boston “second-mortgage scandal,” and got somebody to send me a thick stack of clips. It was really impressive. The Boston Globe and other news organizations were taking on the lenders and the mortgage brokers, and the closing attorneys, and on and on.

I was trying to make the story not just local but national. I had some local cases involving Associates [First Capital Corp., then a unit of Ford Motor Corp.]. Basically, it turned out that Ford Motor Company, the old-line carmaker, was the biggest subprime lender in the country. The evidence was pretty clear that they were doing many of the same kinds of bait-and-switch salesmanship and, in some cases, pure fraud, that we later saw take over the mortgage market. I felt like this was a big story; this is the one! Later, investigations and Congressional hearings corroborated what I was finding in ’94, ’95, and ’96. And it seems so self-evident now, but I learned that finding ex-employees often gives you a window into what’s really going on with a company. The problem has always been finding them and getting them to talk.

I spent the better part of the ‘90s writing about the poverty industry and about predatory lending. As a reporter you don’t want to be defined by one subject. So I was actually working on a book about the history of racial integration in sports, interviewing old Negro-league baseball players. I was really trying to change a little bit of how I was moving forward career-wise. But it’s like the old mafia-movie line: every time I think I’m out, they pull me back in.

Subprime goes mainstream

In the fall of 2002, the Federal Trade Commission announced a big settlement with Citigroup, which had bought Associates, and at first I saw it as a positive development, like they had nailed the big bad actor. I’m doing a 1,000-word freelance thing, but of course as I started to report I started hearing from people who were saying that this settlement is basically giving them absolution, and allowed them to move forward with what was, by Citi standards, a pretty modest settlement. And the other thing that struck me was the media was treating this as though Citigroup was cleaning up this legacy problem, when Citi itself had its own problems. There had been a big magazine story about [Citigroup Chief Sanford I.] “Sandy” Weill. It was like “Sandy’s Comeback.” I saw this and said, ‘Whoa, this is an example of the mainstreaming of subprime.’

I pitched a story about how these settlements weren’t what they seemed, and got turned down a lot of places. Eventually I went to Southern Exposure and called the editor there, Gary Ashwill, and he said, “That’s a great story, we’ll put it on the cover.” And I said, “Well how much space can we have?” and he said, “How much do we need?” That was not something you heard in journalism in those days.

I interviewed 150 people, mostly borrowers, attorneys, experts, industry people, but the stuff that really moves the story are the former employees. Many of them had just gotten fired for complaining internally. They were upset about what had gone on—to some degree about how the company treated them, but usually very upset about how the company had pressured them and their co-workers to mistreat their customers.

As a result of the Citigroup stuff, I got a call from a filmmaker [James Scurlock] who was working on what eventually became Maxed Out, about credit cards and student loans and all that kind of stuff. And he asked if I could go visit, and in some cases revisit, some of the people I had interviewed and he would follow me with a camera. So I did sessions in rural Mississippi, Brooklyn and Queens, and Pittsburg. Again and again you would hear people talk about these bad loans they got. But also about stress. I remember a guy in Brooklyn, not too far from where I live now, who paused and said something along the lines of: ‘You know I’m not proud of this, but I have to say I really considered killing myself.’ Again and again people talked about how bad they felt about having gotten into these situations. It was powerful and eye-opening. They didn’t understand, in many cases, that they’d been taken in by very skillful salesmen who manipulated them into taking out loans that were bad for them.

If one person tells you that story, you say okay, well maybe it’s true, but you don’t know. But you’ve got a woman in San Francisco saying, “I was lied to and here’s how they lied to me,” and then you’ve got a loan officer for the same company in suburban Kansas saying, “This is what we did to people.” And then you have another loan officer in Florida and another borrower in another state. You start to see the pattern.

People always want some great statistic [proving systemic fraud], but it’s really, really hard to do that. And statistics data doesn’t always tell us what happened. If you looked at some of the big numbers during the mortgage boom, it would look like everything was fine because of the fact that they refinanced people over and over again. So essentially a lot of what was happening was very Ponzi-like—pushing down the road the problems and hiding what was going on. But I was not talking to analysts. I was not talking to high-level corporate executives. I was not talking to experts. I was talking to the lowest level people in the industry— loan officers, branch managers. I was talking to borrowers. And I was doing it across the country and doing it in large numbers. And when you actually did the shoe-leather reporting, you came up with a very different picture than the PR spin you were getting at the high level.

One day Rich Lord [who had just published the muckraking book, American Nightmare: Predatory Lending and the Foreclosure of the American Dream, Common Courage Press, 2004) and I went to his house. We were sitting in his study. Rich had spent a lot of time writing about Household [International, parent of Household Finance], and I had spent a lot of time writing about Citigroup. Household had been number one in subprime, and then CitiFinancial/Citigroup was number one. This was in the fall of 2004. We asked, well, who’s next? Rich suggested Ameriquest.

I went back home to Roanoke and got on the PACER—computerized court records—system and started looking up Ameriquest cases, and found lots of borrower suits and ex-employee suits. There was one in particular, which basically said that the guy had been fired because he had complained that Ameriquest business ethics were terrible. I just found the guy in the Kansas City phone book and called him up, and he told me a really compelling story. One of the things that really stuck out is, he said to me, “Have you ever seen the movie Boiler Room [2000, about an unethical pump-and-dump brokerage firm]?”

By the time I had roughly ten former employees, most of them willing to be on the record, I thought: this is a really good story, this is important. In a sense I feel like I helped them become whistleblowers because they had no idea how to blow the whistle or what to do. And Ameriquest at that point was on its way to being the largest subprime lender. So, I started trying to pitch the story. While I had a full-time gig at the Roanoke Times, for me the most important thing was finding the right place to place it.

The Los Angeles Times liked the story and teamed me with Scott Reckard, and we worked through much of the fall of 2004 and early 2005. We had thirty or so former employees, almost all of them basically saying that they had seen improper, illegal, fraudulent practices, some of whom acknowledged that they’d done it themselves: bait-and-switch salesmanship, inflating people’s incomes on their loan applications, and inflating appraisals. Or they were cutting and pasting W2s or faking a tax return. It was called the “art department”—blatant forgery, doctoring the documents. You know, it was pretty eye-opening stuff. One of the best details was that many people said they showed Boiler Room—as a training tape! And the other important thing about the story was that Ameriquest was being held up by politicians, and even by the media, as the gold standard—the company cleaning up the industry, reversing age-old bad practices in this market. To me, theirs was partly a story of the triumph of public relations.

Leaving Roanoke

I’d been in Roanoke almost 20 years as a reporter, and so, what’s the next step? I resigned from the Roanoke Times and for most of 2005 I was freelancing fulltime. I made virtually no money that year, but by working on the Ameriquest story, it helped me move to the next thing. I interviewed with The Wall Street Journal [and was hired to cover the bond market]. Of course I came in pitching mortgage-backed securities as a great story. I could have said it with more urgency in the proposal, but I didn’t want to come off as like an advocate, or half-cocked.

Daily bond market coverage is their bread-and-butter, and it’s something that needs to be done. And I tried to do the best I could on it. But I definitely felt a little bit like a point guard playing small forward. I was doing what I could for the team but I was not playing in a position where my talents and my skills were being used to the highest.

I wanted to do a documentary. I wanted to do a book [which would become The Monster: How a Gang of Predatory Lenders and Wall Street Bankers Fleeced America—and Spawned a Global Crisis, Times Books, 2010]. I felt like I had a lot of information, a lot of stuff that needed to be told, and an understanding that many other reporters didn’t have. And I could see a lot of the writing focused on deadbeat borrowers lying about their income, rather than how things were really happening.

Through my reporting I knew two things: I knew that there were a lot of predatory and fraudulent practices throughout the subprime industry. It wasn’t isolated pockets, it wasn’t rogue lenders, it wasn’t rogue employees. It was really endemic. And I also knew that Wall Street played a big role in this, and that Wall Street was driving or condoning and/or profiting from a lot of these practices. I understood that, basically, the subprime lenders, like Ameriquest and even like Countrywide, were really just creatures of Wall Street. Wall Street loaned these companies money; they then made loans; they off-loaded the loans to Wall Street; Wall Street then sold them [as securities to investors]. And it was just this magic circle of cash flowing. The one thing I didn’t understand was all the fancy financial alchemy—the derivatives, the swaps, that were added on to put them on steroids.

It’s clear that people inside a company, one or two or three people, could commit fraud and get away with it, on occasion, despite the best efforts of a company. But I don’t think it can happen in a widespread way when a company has basic compliance systems in place. The best way to connect the dots from the sleazy practices on the ground to people at high levels was to say, okay, they did have these compliance people in place; they had fraud investigators, loan underwriters, and compliance officers. Did they do their jobs? And if they did, what happened to them?

In late 2010, at the Center for Public Integrity, I got a tip about a whistleblower case involving someone who worked at a high level at Countrywide. This is Eileen Foster, who had been an executive vice president, the top fraud investigator at Countrywide. She was claiming before OSHA that she was fired for reporting widespread fraud, but also for trying to protect other whistleblowers within the company who were also reporting fraud at the branch level and at the regional level, all over the country. The interesting thing is that no one in the government had ever contacted her! [This became “Countrywide Protected Fraudsters by Silencing Whistleblowers, say Former Employees,” September 22 and 23, 2011, one of CPI’s best-read stories of the year; 60 Minutes followed with its own interview of Foster, in a segment called, “Prosecuting Wall Street,” December 14, 2011.] It was very exciting. We worked really hard to do follow-up stories. I did about eight stories afterward, many about General Electric, a big player in the subprime world. We found eight former mortgage unit employees who had tried to warn about abuses and whom management had shunted aside.

I just feel like there needs to be more investigative reporting in the mix, and especially more investigative reporting—of problems that are going on now, rather than post-mortems or tick-tocks about financial disasters or crashes or bankruptcies that have already happened.

And that’s hard to do. It takes a real commitment from a news organization, and it can be a high-wire thing because you’re working on these stories for a long time, and market players you’re writing about yell and scream and do some real pushback. But there needs to be more of the sort of early warning journalism. It’s part of the big tent, what a newspaper is.

OCC Issuing Alert to Consumers About Independent Foreclosure Reviews

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The OCC is rolling out its first public service announcements to alert consumers about the Independent Foreclosure Review announced by it, the Fed, and the OTS in early November.  The campaign follows the distribution of over 4 million letters to potentially eligible borrowers which include forms for submitting requests and instructions on how to use them.

The public service materials include a feature story and two 30-second radio spots in English and Spanish.  These will be distributed to 7,000 small newspapers and 6,500 radio stations throughout the U.S. The announcements inform consumers of the specifics of the program which lets borrowers who faced foreclosure during 2009 or 2010 request reviews of their cases if they believe errors in the procedures used by servicers pursuing foreclosure actions caused them to suffer financial loss. 

The parameters for determining eligibility are explained and borrowers are directed to a starting point for their requests.  Over 20 of the largest servicing companies are mandated to offer and process the reviews:  America’s Servicing Company, Aurora Loan Services, Bank of America, Beneficial, Chase, Citibank, CitiFinancial, Citi Mortgage, Country-Wide, EMC, EverBank/Everhome, Freedom Financial, GMAC Mortgage, HFC, HSBC, IndyMac Mortgage Ser vices, MetLife Bank, National City, PNC, Sovereign Bank, Sun-Trust Mortgage, U.S. Bank, Wachovia, Washington Mutual, and Wells Fargo.

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